Lately I've been noticing these Tory attack ads that go after Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff. There are some things they say that hit the mark. It still doesn't sit well with me that this man could live pretty much my entire life in the United States, have referred to it as "my country", and then presume to parachute back here after decades, scoop the Grit leadership, and presume to run the country. Fair enough.
But the foul against him is the complaint he was ready to form a coalition with other parties (namely, the New Democrats and the Bloc Quebecois). It's disturbing because it assumes -- or worse, actually speaks to -- a profound ignorance on the part of average Canadians of our own system of government. Coalition governments are typical in parliamentary democracies; in other less staid and boring than our own, they're often the norm.
The crux of the matter is the suggestion that Ignatieff was ready to form a coalition with the Bloc, a party whose platform technically includes seeking the eventual separation of Quebec from Canada by peaceful, democratic means. This is especially galling given that the Bloc flowered directly from the deal with the devil the Tories made in the 1980s to get Mulroney elected twice. They wrangled these people into the Progressive Conservatives by issuing a flurry of constitutional cheques their right-wing asses couldn't cash, and when those formerly soft separatist in particular and Quebeckers in general realized it, the blowback was fearsome. Anyone over 10 in 1995 remembers what I'm talking about.
And so this morning, the sweetest tidbit of all. Facing a non-confidence vote in the Commons that would have defeated their government and forced an election (yet another), the Tories have had their bacon pulled from the fire by...? Guess who. You guessed right! The Bloc Quebecois, who have agreed to support the government in the upcoming confidence vote.
I'm counting the seconds until those "Ignatieff wanted to form a coalition with the Bloc" ads evaporate from the airwaves. How about you?
Showing posts with label Parliament. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Parliament. Show all posts
Thursday, September 17, 2009
Thursday, December 04, 2008
"THIS HOUSE TO LET" or "Democracy Takes a Holiday"
Well, looks like the Governor-General came back to Ottawa, saw her shadow, and predicted six more weeks of Harper. So merry Christmas, Tories... the bills come due at the end of January.
Parliament shut down till Jan. 26
PM obtains Governor-General's consent to prorogue in face of bid to topple his minority government; opposition complains he's 'throwing the locks on' and 'running away'
STEVEN CHASE and BILL CURRY
Globe and Mail Update
December 4, 2008 at 1:36 PM EST
OTTAWA — Prime Minister Stephen Harper has obtained Governor-General Michaëlle Jean's consent to temporarily shut down Parliament, a move that allows him to avoid a confidence vote next week that he was expected to lose.
It's a blow for the Liberal-NDP coalition, backed by the separatist Bloc Québécois, that was seeking to replace the minority Conservative government.
The development buys time for Mr. Harper to assemble an economic package that he hopes will discourage the multiparty alliance from taking him down at that time.
Emerging from Rideau Hall after more than two hours, Mr. Harper said Parliament will return on Jan. 26 and the first order of business will be the 2009 budget.
He grudgingly acknowledged he has to make peace with the opposition parties. "Obviously we have to do some trust-building here on both sides."
The Prime Minister said he will spend December and January hammering out the budget. "My work over the next few weeks will be focused almost exclusively on preparing the federal budget."
He added that he hoped the other parties would work with him. "Canadians expect us to get on with this."
Mr. Harper suggested that not all opposition MPs were happy with the coalition that sought to replace him. "I think there are many people in the opposition that were not entirely comfortable with a different path."
The Prime Minister also took time to admonish the Liberals and New Democrats for considering an alliance with the Bloc. In reference to the separatist party, he said: "My Canada includes Quebec, their Quebec does not include Canada."
Standing in the foyer of the House of Commons after Mr. Harper's announcement, Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion said: "We must realize the enormity of what has happened here today. For the first time in the history of Canada, the Prime Minister of Canada is running away from the Parliament of Canada."
All three opposition leaders said they still intend to bring down the government. Mr. Dion said only a "monumental change" on Mr. Harper's part would alter that.
NDP Leader Jack Layton said the coalition will not be abandoning its accord over the next seven weeks while the Commons is shuttered.
"I cannot have confidence in a Prime Minister who would throw the locks on the door of this place, knowing that he's about to lose a vote in the House of Commons," Mr. Layton said. "That's denying about as fundamental a right as one has in a democracy."
Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe reacted similarly. "We don't believe him and we don't have confidence in him."
The Prime Minister's bid to buy time, however, may work in his favour, with cracks in the coalition already emerging.
Liberal MP Jim Karygiannis wasted no time in calling Mr. Dion to be replaced before the House returns in January. "Who are we kidding? I think it's over," he said, heading into a closed door caucus meeting.
"To become Prime Minister at all costs? Where do we take the Liberal brand? ... The brand got hit. The brand is good. The CEO of the company screwed up."
The Scarborough MP emerged from caucus saying the party supports remaining in the coalition, but Mr. Dion must be replaced. "The party still wants the coalition to keep together. My constituents want Mr. Dion to go."
He said it's time to move the party's leadership race up - a conventon is slated for May - or find some way of making sure it has "a leader who can lead us" if there is an election in February or March.
Mr. Dion's botched video address was a clincher, he said: "We bombed."
Mr. Harper, who was forced to cancel an afternoon appearance in Woodstock, Ont., arrived in a motorcade after traveling literally across the street from his official residence, 24 Sussex Drive.
About 50 demonstrators greeted him as his black vehicle entered the gates of Rideau Hall, most of them cheering on the Prime Minister.
The vast majority appeared to be Tory staffers or Conservative Party members. They were chanting slogans such as "No secret deal!", a reference to the coalition-support agreement by the Liberals, NDP and Bloc Québécois that would oust Mr. Harper and install Mr. Dion in his place.
Demonstrator William McBeath, a staffer for Human Resources Minister Diane Finley, said he was rallying in front of Rideau Hall because he believes Mr. Harper has a right to continue governing. He noted the Tory Leader was only elected seven weeks ago.
"The fact now ... a coalition rejected by the voters could take power by allying themselves with the separatists is terribly offensive and I wanted to come out and do something about it."
William Beddoe, an actor, was among the minority of demonstrators rallying in favour of the coalition. He said the Prime Minister in a minority Parliament must demonstrate a willingness to find common ground with rival party leaders.
"I think it's time for Mr. Harper to step aside. I think the Conservatives would do well to find another leader who could engage with the other parties in Parliament and work cooperatively."
Mr. Dion and NDP Leader Jack Layton had hoped to meet Ms. Jean later today to make their case for refusing the Tory bid to prorogue Parliament.
Last night, an unapologetic Prime Minister used a rare televised address to justify his bid to have Ms. Jean temporarily shut down Parliament, railing against separatists whom he says have no legitimate right to backstop a Liberal-NDP coalition.
Mr. Harper's harsh attack risks angering Quebec voters, many of whom have voted for the Bloc Québécois in the past and may resent the suggestion that BQ support is illegitimate.
In the five-minute speech where he referred to "separatists" on four different occasions, Mr. Harper vowed he would use all tools at his disposal to prevent the Conservatives' replacement. He did not, however, use the word "separatist" in the French version of his speech, preferring the less-inflammatory term, "souverainistes."
"At a time like this, a coalition with the separatists cannot help Canada," Mr. Harper said. "And the opposition does not have the democratic right to impose a coalition with the separatists they promised voters would never happen."
Mr. Harper referred only peripherally to his government's role in contributing to the parliamentary crisis that currently engulfs the nation, saying the government has made some changes after criticism raised by the opposition in the wake of last week's fall economic update. He did not, however, apologize for portions of the update that would have eliminated millions in subsidies from political parties and removed the right to strike for civil servants. The government has since pulled both of those items off the table.
"The opposition is attempting to impose this deal without your say, without your consent and without your vote," the Prime Minister said. "This is no time for backroom deals with the separatists."
Political experts have argued, however, that Mr. Harper's attack on the Bloc Québécois may well offend a good number of Quebeckers, many of whom vote BQ.
In his response to the speech, Mr. Dion — who would become prime minister if the government is defeated — did not budge from his party's position that the Conservatives must go, adding that he wrote to Ms. Jean today asking her to refuse Mr. Harper's request to prorogue. He also defended the coalition, saying it will foster collaboration rather than "blind partisan feuding."
He also underlined the fact that he will only be in the prime minister's chair for the short time he is slated to remain Liberal leader. The party will elect a new leader this spring.
Mr. Harper is stepping up efforts to improve his image as a man of action on the economy in tough times, trying to beat back the Liberal-NDP coalition's central accusation that he's taken a stand-pat approach as a recession looms.
Yesterday he announced another round of meetings with premiers and territorial leaders on the economy — Jan. 16 in Ottawa — as well as a federal and provincial finance ministers meeting for Dec. 16 and 17 in Saskatoon.
The Tories maintained their vigorous attack on the coalition's decision to seek formal backing from the Bloc Québécois for its survival in the House. One MP went so far as to accuse the Liberals of treason.
"They've actually written a deal giving the separatists a veto over every decision of the Canadian government," Bob Dechert said. "That is as close to treason and sedition as I can imagine."
However, this line of attack was somewhat blunted by the disclosure of efforts by members of Stockwell Day's Canadian Alliance in 2000 to ink a deal with the Bloc to form a minority coalition. Mr. Day denied knowledge of the proposal, which was made by Gerry Chipeur, a well-known lawyer with Conservative links.
Commenting on documents first released on globeandmail.com, Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe said he was asked to participate at the time in a scheme to propel Mr. Day to power in the event of a minority government.
"This proves that they are now being hypocritical. They pretend that they are outraged, when a good number of them have tried the same thing," Mr. Duceppe told reporters.
Indeed, the Liberals themselves were ready to pounce on the Conservatives in the spring of 2005 after Mr. Harper's party voted unsuccessfully with the Bloc Québécois to try to bring down the Liberals then led by Paul Martin. The Liberals found in focus group testing at the time that BQ participation in government to be abhorrent.
"Most people would actually believe that the Bloc shouldn't be allowed to have seats in Parliament," said David Herle, a former top aide to Mr. Martin.
In his response to the speech, Mr. Layton castigated Mr. Harper for refusing to offer any more details on a stimulus package and said it's time for him to step aside.
"He seems to be more interested in his job than protecting your job," Mr. Layton said.
He appealed to Ms. Jean to take note of the multiparty coalition's readiness to defeat the Tories and take power.
Mr. Duceppe, speaking last night, defended the alliance he signed with the Liberals and the NDP, saying it will reap many benefits for Quebec and urged Mr. Harper to give up avoiding a confidence vote that will surely defeat his government.
"I ask Mr. Harper to let the House of Commons vote, and let us finish off his government. And then, we will be able to focus all our energies against the economic crisis that has fallen upon us."
In Quebec, Premier Jean Charest said after hearing Mr. Harper's televised address that Quebec doesn't need anti-sovereigntist rhetoric from the federal government while it copes with the global economic crisis.
"We must respect the choice that was made democratically by all citizens and all Quebecers," Mr. Charest said as he left a rally in Ste-Marie. "And there are, economically, things to settle. We should focus on that. It is the No. 1 priority. Quebec does not need political instability and rhetoric that divides people."
B.C. Premier Gordon Campbell said he was happy to hear a "calmer" tone from the federal political leaders last night, but insisted it is in the best interests of Canadians to let Stephen Harper's government bring in a budget next month.
"There are some serious problems we need to deal with," he told reporters in Victoria. "It is not helpful for us to see this kind of instability in the economic world we live in."
But even if the fall of the government can be avoided, the relationship between the two sides in Parliament appears to have been deeply poisoned.
In the Commons yesterday, Liberal MP Ken Dryden said the Prime Minister broke faith with Parliament in the economic update.
"How do we repair the irreparable?" Mr. Dryden asked. "To the Prime Minister to help him with his answer: Sorry, it is over; we cannot trust him any more. We need a new prime minister."
Meanwhile, the Liberals continued to insist publicly yesterday that they will remain together in support of the coalition although some admitted a few of their MPs are feeling heat from some of their constituents. Still, they believe it would be dangerous to retreat now.
"I don't believe a word the Prime Minister says any more," said Toronto Liberal MP Bob Rae.
Some Liberals, like Senator David Smith, a veteran adviser and election campaign strategist for three Liberal leaders, publicly indicated there is a slim possibility they would back off if Mr. Harper changes course.
Parliament shut down till Jan. 26
PM obtains Governor-General's consent to prorogue in face of bid to topple his minority government; opposition complains he's 'throwing the locks on' and 'running away'
STEVEN CHASE and BILL CURRY
Globe and Mail Update
December 4, 2008 at 1:36 PM EST
OTTAWA — Prime Minister Stephen Harper has obtained Governor-General Michaëlle Jean's consent to temporarily shut down Parliament, a move that allows him to avoid a confidence vote next week that he was expected to lose.
It's a blow for the Liberal-NDP coalition, backed by the separatist Bloc Québécois, that was seeking to replace the minority Conservative government.
The development buys time for Mr. Harper to assemble an economic package that he hopes will discourage the multiparty alliance from taking him down at that time.
Emerging from Rideau Hall after more than two hours, Mr. Harper said Parliament will return on Jan. 26 and the first order of business will be the 2009 budget.
He grudgingly acknowledged he has to make peace with the opposition parties. "Obviously we have to do some trust-building here on both sides."
The Prime Minister said he will spend December and January hammering out the budget. "My work over the next few weeks will be focused almost exclusively on preparing the federal budget."
He added that he hoped the other parties would work with him. "Canadians expect us to get on with this."
Mr. Harper suggested that not all opposition MPs were happy with the coalition that sought to replace him. "I think there are many people in the opposition that were not entirely comfortable with a different path."
The Prime Minister also took time to admonish the Liberals and New Democrats for considering an alliance with the Bloc. In reference to the separatist party, he said: "My Canada includes Quebec, their Quebec does not include Canada."
Standing in the foyer of the House of Commons after Mr. Harper's announcement, Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion said: "We must realize the enormity of what has happened here today. For the first time in the history of Canada, the Prime Minister of Canada is running away from the Parliament of Canada."
All three opposition leaders said they still intend to bring down the government. Mr. Dion said only a "monumental change" on Mr. Harper's part would alter that.
NDP Leader Jack Layton said the coalition will not be abandoning its accord over the next seven weeks while the Commons is shuttered.
"I cannot have confidence in a Prime Minister who would throw the locks on the door of this place, knowing that he's about to lose a vote in the House of Commons," Mr. Layton said. "That's denying about as fundamental a right as one has in a democracy."
Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe reacted similarly. "We don't believe him and we don't have confidence in him."
The Prime Minister's bid to buy time, however, may work in his favour, with cracks in the coalition already emerging.
Liberal MP Jim Karygiannis wasted no time in calling Mr. Dion to be replaced before the House returns in January. "Who are we kidding? I think it's over," he said, heading into a closed door caucus meeting.
"To become Prime Minister at all costs? Where do we take the Liberal brand? ... The brand got hit. The brand is good. The CEO of the company screwed up."
The Scarborough MP emerged from caucus saying the party supports remaining in the coalition, but Mr. Dion must be replaced. "The party still wants the coalition to keep together. My constituents want Mr. Dion to go."
He said it's time to move the party's leadership race up - a conventon is slated for May - or find some way of making sure it has "a leader who can lead us" if there is an election in February or March.
Mr. Dion's botched video address was a clincher, he said: "We bombed."
Mr. Harper, who was forced to cancel an afternoon appearance in Woodstock, Ont., arrived in a motorcade after traveling literally across the street from his official residence, 24 Sussex Drive.
About 50 demonstrators greeted him as his black vehicle entered the gates of Rideau Hall, most of them cheering on the Prime Minister.
The vast majority appeared to be Tory staffers or Conservative Party members. They were chanting slogans such as "No secret deal!", a reference to the coalition-support agreement by the Liberals, NDP and Bloc Québécois that would oust Mr. Harper and install Mr. Dion in his place.
Demonstrator William McBeath, a staffer for Human Resources Minister Diane Finley, said he was rallying in front of Rideau Hall because he believes Mr. Harper has a right to continue governing. He noted the Tory Leader was only elected seven weeks ago.
"The fact now ... a coalition rejected by the voters could take power by allying themselves with the separatists is terribly offensive and I wanted to come out and do something about it."
William Beddoe, an actor, was among the minority of demonstrators rallying in favour of the coalition. He said the Prime Minister in a minority Parliament must demonstrate a willingness to find common ground with rival party leaders.
"I think it's time for Mr. Harper to step aside. I think the Conservatives would do well to find another leader who could engage with the other parties in Parliament and work cooperatively."
Mr. Dion and NDP Leader Jack Layton had hoped to meet Ms. Jean later today to make their case for refusing the Tory bid to prorogue Parliament.
Last night, an unapologetic Prime Minister used a rare televised address to justify his bid to have Ms. Jean temporarily shut down Parliament, railing against separatists whom he says have no legitimate right to backstop a Liberal-NDP coalition.
Mr. Harper's harsh attack risks angering Quebec voters, many of whom have voted for the Bloc Québécois in the past and may resent the suggestion that BQ support is illegitimate.
In the five-minute speech where he referred to "separatists" on four different occasions, Mr. Harper vowed he would use all tools at his disposal to prevent the Conservatives' replacement. He did not, however, use the word "separatist" in the French version of his speech, preferring the less-inflammatory term, "souverainistes."
"At a time like this, a coalition with the separatists cannot help Canada," Mr. Harper said. "And the opposition does not have the democratic right to impose a coalition with the separatists they promised voters would never happen."
Mr. Harper referred only peripherally to his government's role in contributing to the parliamentary crisis that currently engulfs the nation, saying the government has made some changes after criticism raised by the opposition in the wake of last week's fall economic update. He did not, however, apologize for portions of the update that would have eliminated millions in subsidies from political parties and removed the right to strike for civil servants. The government has since pulled both of those items off the table.
"The opposition is attempting to impose this deal without your say, without your consent and without your vote," the Prime Minister said. "This is no time for backroom deals with the separatists."
Political experts have argued, however, that Mr. Harper's attack on the Bloc Québécois may well offend a good number of Quebeckers, many of whom vote BQ.
In his response to the speech, Mr. Dion — who would become prime minister if the government is defeated — did not budge from his party's position that the Conservatives must go, adding that he wrote to Ms. Jean today asking her to refuse Mr. Harper's request to prorogue. He also defended the coalition, saying it will foster collaboration rather than "blind partisan feuding."
He also underlined the fact that he will only be in the prime minister's chair for the short time he is slated to remain Liberal leader. The party will elect a new leader this spring.
Mr. Harper is stepping up efforts to improve his image as a man of action on the economy in tough times, trying to beat back the Liberal-NDP coalition's central accusation that he's taken a stand-pat approach as a recession looms.
Yesterday he announced another round of meetings with premiers and territorial leaders on the economy — Jan. 16 in Ottawa — as well as a federal and provincial finance ministers meeting for Dec. 16 and 17 in Saskatoon.
The Tories maintained their vigorous attack on the coalition's decision to seek formal backing from the Bloc Québécois for its survival in the House. One MP went so far as to accuse the Liberals of treason.
"They've actually written a deal giving the separatists a veto over every decision of the Canadian government," Bob Dechert said. "That is as close to treason and sedition as I can imagine."
However, this line of attack was somewhat blunted by the disclosure of efforts by members of Stockwell Day's Canadian Alliance in 2000 to ink a deal with the Bloc to form a minority coalition. Mr. Day denied knowledge of the proposal, which was made by Gerry Chipeur, a well-known lawyer with Conservative links.
Commenting on documents first released on globeandmail.com, Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe said he was asked to participate at the time in a scheme to propel Mr. Day to power in the event of a minority government.
"This proves that they are now being hypocritical. They pretend that they are outraged, when a good number of them have tried the same thing," Mr. Duceppe told reporters.
Indeed, the Liberals themselves were ready to pounce on the Conservatives in the spring of 2005 after Mr. Harper's party voted unsuccessfully with the Bloc Québécois to try to bring down the Liberals then led by Paul Martin. The Liberals found in focus group testing at the time that BQ participation in government to be abhorrent.
"Most people would actually believe that the Bloc shouldn't be allowed to have seats in Parliament," said David Herle, a former top aide to Mr. Martin.
In his response to the speech, Mr. Layton castigated Mr. Harper for refusing to offer any more details on a stimulus package and said it's time for him to step aside.
"He seems to be more interested in his job than protecting your job," Mr. Layton said.
He appealed to Ms. Jean to take note of the multiparty coalition's readiness to defeat the Tories and take power.
Mr. Duceppe, speaking last night, defended the alliance he signed with the Liberals and the NDP, saying it will reap many benefits for Quebec and urged Mr. Harper to give up avoiding a confidence vote that will surely defeat his government.
"I ask Mr. Harper to let the House of Commons vote, and let us finish off his government. And then, we will be able to focus all our energies against the economic crisis that has fallen upon us."
In Quebec, Premier Jean Charest said after hearing Mr. Harper's televised address that Quebec doesn't need anti-sovereigntist rhetoric from the federal government while it copes with the global economic crisis.
"We must respect the choice that was made democratically by all citizens and all Quebecers," Mr. Charest said as he left a rally in Ste-Marie. "And there are, economically, things to settle. We should focus on that. It is the No. 1 priority. Quebec does not need political instability and rhetoric that divides people."
B.C. Premier Gordon Campbell said he was happy to hear a "calmer" tone from the federal political leaders last night, but insisted it is in the best interests of Canadians to let Stephen Harper's government bring in a budget next month.
"There are some serious problems we need to deal with," he told reporters in Victoria. "It is not helpful for us to see this kind of instability in the economic world we live in."
But even if the fall of the government can be avoided, the relationship between the two sides in Parliament appears to have been deeply poisoned.
In the Commons yesterday, Liberal MP Ken Dryden said the Prime Minister broke faith with Parliament in the economic update.
"How do we repair the irreparable?" Mr. Dryden asked. "To the Prime Minister to help him with his answer: Sorry, it is over; we cannot trust him any more. We need a new prime minister."
Meanwhile, the Liberals continued to insist publicly yesterday that they will remain together in support of the coalition although some admitted a few of their MPs are feeling heat from some of their constituents. Still, they believe it would be dangerous to retreat now.
"I don't believe a word the Prime Minister says any more," said Toronto Liberal MP Bob Rae.
Some Liberals, like Senator David Smith, a veteran adviser and election campaign strategist for three Liberal leaders, publicly indicated there is a slim possibility they would back off if Mr. Harper changes course.
Crazy Canucks
I summed up my feelings on the current political events and last night's speeches in an email in response to a friend this morning...
-------------------------------------------------------
I know it's overt cynicism but a pox on all of them.
It's in the best Mercutionan vein, but remember, he died right after he said that. :)
I was, myself, a bit put-off when the proposed coalition became formal on Monday. But there's a good reason for it. Several, really, even without taking into account my personal dislike for the Tories. To condemn MPs for wanting power makes about as much sense as condemning firemen for being wicked, because they only live for fires. In this case, it makes even less sense, because we have one fire company that's sitting on its ass while something important burns down, and a bunch of others are saying, "for God's sake, then, give us the hose!" That's what they're there for. That's their job. That's why we send them to Ottawa. I too enjoy lending my voice to the Choir Cynical — but this is important. This is about what happens to this country in the next couple of years, and may have ramifications for a generation.
I don't dispute it's ugly. But then, that's the point. It should never have gotten to this in the first place. The government has allowed — even forced — things to move in this direction, and I sincerely question Harper's judgment as a result. Someone else — even another Tory — needs to be in that seat now. That's established.
However, to amass a coalition, we are faced with a chimera worthy of Douglas Adam's comic imagination.
That's the nature of coalition governments. We've been spared that realization thanks to the "blessings" of a first-past-the-post electoral system that gives the representatives of roughly 40% of the people on average 100% of the power. In most parliamentary democracies, what we're facing now is not a "constitutional crisis" that has everyone plastering the papers with their dire predictions of doom and woe... it's par for the course every couple of years. We sit back and pat ourselves on the back for our stable, five-year-long benign dictatorships. Well, the only blessing is that they HAVE been so benign. Someone said to me that she hoped this would be the chance for Parliament to put in some sort of proportional representation system, and I'm ready to agree. I'm tired of the arrogance both the Tories and the Grits show when they've had a couple of back-to-back majorities, and I'd like to see a House of Commons where they always always always have to work together to get things done. The last couple of years weren't so bad, till Harper lost his mind last week. Who can ever trust him again?
It'll be interesting to see what happens today. Apparently, Ed Schreyer himself has advised the current GG not to allow the PM to prorogue Parliament, because there's no emergency that would warrant it, and the only reason he's doing it is to avoid submitting to the will of Parliament, which could have negative ramifications for the future if it sets a precedent. I strongly agree with him. I've asked myself would I be feeling this way if the Tories were doing this to the Grits... as they would have liked to have done just a few years ago. In all honesty, I know I'd be pretty sore about it, but I wouldn't be arguing it was damaging to democracy, or illegal, or extraordinary. I know it's none of those things in our system — only rare, in Canada. And to be honest, if it keeps future minority governments in line, if it sinks in for the next Harper, so much the better.
I watched the three speeches last night, and I honestly tried to be objective (you know, I didn't shout rebuttals at the TV like the old man I've been since I was 17). I noticed that Harper made his pitch to the West. He came close to lying about the nature of what was going on — he certainly put an "oh, shit, this is a coup!" spin on things in the first half of his speech. Then he threw a handful of pennies into the crowd about the economy — too little, too late — and then went out on a note SURE to piss off Quebec. Blah blah blah separatists, blah blah blah separatism, blah horns, pitchforks, and fire in Chibougamau, with naked moonlight dances and blood... And I thought, ohh, boy, are you cutting off votre nez to spite your face, Prime Minister. Apparently he used "separatists" in English and softened it to "sovereigntists" in French... but if he thinks Quebec's not going to hear about that this morning, and won't take offense at the idea he's bad-mouthing them to les anglais behind their backs, well, then he's just made another stupid mistake. If he HAD to lie about the Bloc being party to the coalition, instead of agreeing to support it on confidence motions only, he might at least have had the good sense to settle on "sovereigntists" in both languages. Or maybe he's decided to cut Quebec loose and appeal strictly to Cowboy Hat Land from now on.
I'm biased, I know, but I thought Dion made a sensible, unemotional plea for what has to be done. He kept hitting those two notes that resonate right now... jobs, jobs, economy, jobs, economy, economy, jobs... the reasons for action (that, yes, and Harper trying to drown the other parties in the bag of the next election). I thought it was REALLY smart of him to emphasize, a couple of times, that he's on his way out — but that he'll do his best while he's here.
Of the three, I thought Layton was the least polished and slick, and the most sincere. Short of sprinkling his speech with a few "shits" and "fucks", language doesn't get much plainer. The PM screwed up, refused to move on the economy, and used his first mini-budget to attack his opponents. Plain and simple. I have to hand it to him; of all three, I found him the most persuasive, and in his plainness, the most eloquent. He didn't speak TO me, he spoke FOR me.
-------------------------------------------------------
I know it's overt cynicism but a pox on all of them.
It's in the best Mercutionan vein, but remember, he died right after he said that. :)
I was, myself, a bit put-off when the proposed coalition became formal on Monday. But there's a good reason for it. Several, really, even without taking into account my personal dislike for the Tories. To condemn MPs for wanting power makes about as much sense as condemning firemen for being wicked, because they only live for fires. In this case, it makes even less sense, because we have one fire company that's sitting on its ass while something important burns down, and a bunch of others are saying, "for God's sake, then, give us the hose!" That's what they're there for. That's their job. That's why we send them to Ottawa. I too enjoy lending my voice to the Choir Cynical — but this is important. This is about what happens to this country in the next couple of years, and may have ramifications for a generation.
I don't dispute it's ugly. But then, that's the point. It should never have gotten to this in the first place. The government has allowed — even forced — things to move in this direction, and I sincerely question Harper's judgment as a result. Someone else — even another Tory — needs to be in that seat now. That's established.
However, to amass a coalition, we are faced with a chimera worthy of Douglas Adam's comic imagination.
That's the nature of coalition governments. We've been spared that realization thanks to the "blessings" of a first-past-the-post electoral system that gives the representatives of roughly 40% of the people on average 100% of the power. In most parliamentary democracies, what we're facing now is not a "constitutional crisis" that has everyone plastering the papers with their dire predictions of doom and woe... it's par for the course every couple of years. We sit back and pat ourselves on the back for our stable, five-year-long benign dictatorships. Well, the only blessing is that they HAVE been so benign. Someone said to me that she hoped this would be the chance for Parliament to put in some sort of proportional representation system, and I'm ready to agree. I'm tired of the arrogance both the Tories and the Grits show when they've had a couple of back-to-back majorities, and I'd like to see a House of Commons where they always always always have to work together to get things done. The last couple of years weren't so bad, till Harper lost his mind last week. Who can ever trust him again?
It'll be interesting to see what happens today. Apparently, Ed Schreyer himself has advised the current GG not to allow the PM to prorogue Parliament, because there's no emergency that would warrant it, and the only reason he's doing it is to avoid submitting to the will of Parliament, which could have negative ramifications for the future if it sets a precedent. I strongly agree with him. I've asked myself would I be feeling this way if the Tories were doing this to the Grits... as they would have liked to have done just a few years ago. In all honesty, I know I'd be pretty sore about it, but I wouldn't be arguing it was damaging to democracy, or illegal, or extraordinary. I know it's none of those things in our system — only rare, in Canada. And to be honest, if it keeps future minority governments in line, if it sinks in for the next Harper, so much the better.
I watched the three speeches last night, and I honestly tried to be objective (you know, I didn't shout rebuttals at the TV like the old man I've been since I was 17). I noticed that Harper made his pitch to the West. He came close to lying about the nature of what was going on — he certainly put an "oh, shit, this is a coup!" spin on things in the first half of his speech. Then he threw a handful of pennies into the crowd about the economy — too little, too late — and then went out on a note SURE to piss off Quebec. Blah blah blah separatists, blah blah blah separatism, blah horns, pitchforks, and fire in Chibougamau, with naked moonlight dances and blood... And I thought, ohh, boy, are you cutting off votre nez to spite your face, Prime Minister. Apparently he used "separatists" in English and softened it to "sovereigntists" in French... but if he thinks Quebec's not going to hear about that this morning, and won't take offense at the idea he's bad-mouthing them to les anglais behind their backs, well, then he's just made another stupid mistake. If he HAD to lie about the Bloc being party to the coalition, instead of agreeing to support it on confidence motions only, he might at least have had the good sense to settle on "sovereigntists" in both languages. Or maybe he's decided to cut Quebec loose and appeal strictly to Cowboy Hat Land from now on.
I'm biased, I know, but I thought Dion made a sensible, unemotional plea for what has to be done. He kept hitting those two notes that resonate right now... jobs, jobs, economy, jobs, economy, economy, jobs... the reasons for action (that, yes, and Harper trying to drown the other parties in the bag of the next election). I thought it was REALLY smart of him to emphasize, a couple of times, that he's on his way out — but that he'll do his best while he's here.
Of the three, I thought Layton was the least polished and slick, and the most sincere. Short of sprinkling his speech with a few "shits" and "fucks", language doesn't get much plainer. The PM screwed up, refused to move on the economy, and used his first mini-budget to attack his opponents. Plain and simple. I have to hand it to him; of all three, I found him the most persuasive, and in his plainness, the most eloquent. He didn't speak TO me, he spoke FOR me.
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Friday, February 29, 2008
Vote Tory or we'll shoot the puppy
Allegations are swirling in Ottawa that when he was Leader of the Opposition, Prime Minister Stephen Harper may have been aware of attempts to bribe an MP to vote against the government of the day and cause it to fall, and furthermore, to have approved them. The MP in question was Chuck Cadman, an MP who had left the Tories to sit as an independent. Cadman was dying of skin cancer at the time, and allegations suggest he was offered a $1 million life insurance policy (among other things) in return for his vote to topple Paul Martin's minority government in a budget vote in 2005. Cadman apparently did not take the bait, and voted with the government. He passed away within months of that vote.
I'm not a fan of the Tories, but up until now I'd have had to rate their performance as a government as tolerable, particularly economically... though I strongly oppose their plans with regard to our military involvement in Afghanistan. But if this is true, it's one of the slimiest things I've heard come out of Ottawa in... well, ever. Bribing a dying man by appealing to his worries over his family's future, in order to get him to aid in toppling a duly-elected government against his own better judgement? If it doesn't quite qualify as treason or blackmail, it certain would qualify as attempted bribery of a Member of Parliament under the Criminal Code. If it turns out to be true, and Stephen Harper is implicated, then he must resign, immediately — as must the two shadowy, as-yet-unnamed figures who supposedly made Cadman the offer. If not, Governor-General Michaëlle Jean, acting on behalf of the Queen, must exercise one of the few remain royal prerogatives and dissolve the Harper government, call an election, and let the people decide.
I'm not a fan of the Tories, but up until now I'd have had to rate their performance as a government as tolerable, particularly economically... though I strongly oppose their plans with regard to our military involvement in Afghanistan. But if this is true, it's one of the slimiest things I've heard come out of Ottawa in... well, ever. Bribing a dying man by appealing to his worries over his family's future, in order to get him to aid in toppling a duly-elected government against his own better judgement? If it doesn't quite qualify as treason or blackmail, it certain would qualify as attempted bribery of a Member of Parliament under the Criminal Code. If it turns out to be true, and Stephen Harper is implicated, then he must resign, immediately — as must the two shadowy, as-yet-unnamed figures who supposedly made Cadman the offer. If not, Governor-General Michaëlle Jean, acting on behalf of the Queen, must exercise one of the few remain royal prerogatives and dissolve the Harper government, call an election, and let the people decide.
Tuesday, December 11, 2007
On US war resisters
On Thursday, December 6th, the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration passed the following motion:
That the Committee recommend that the government immediately implement a program to allow conscientious objectors and their immediate family members (partners and dependents), who have refused or left military service related to a war not sanctioned by the United Nations and do not have a criminal record, to apply for permanent resident status and remain in Canada; and that the government should immediately cease any removal or deportation actions that may have already commenced against such individuals.The vote was 7:4 in favour. It should be noted that noted that no Tory voted for the motion; no non-Tory voted against it.
Saturday, July 28, 2007
Trip to Ottawa: Overview
The last time I was in Ottawa, the capital of my country, I was 17 years old. That was over twenty years ago now. A time before cell phones, digital cameras, Windows, and the internet you're now reading this on. CDs were cutting edge and too expensive for me; I was still buying hits on 45s, playing them on a turn table and recording them on cassettes to listen to in a Walkman that actually had moving parts. Yeah, okay, you get the picture, right? It's been a while.
At various moments sober and drunk in the past few years I've wistfully remarked to friends that someday, invariably "soon", I meant to go back. I've always felt "Canadian", but when I was there in my youth, it gained a real substance. Standing on Parliament Hill as the Peace Tower's carillon played that day long ago, I realized, palpably, that I was standing in places that I shared with millions of other people I'd never meet... some because they lived far away, but -- and this was what really took hold of me -- many more because they had already lived and died, or would be born after I was dead. It was the first time in my life I got a real sense of the nation as a river, something in which I was embedded for a moment, but that had existed before me and would (I certainly hope) exist long after me. That I was a moment in that, and instance of it. From childhood I had always known Canada belonged to me; suddenly there was a sense that I belonged to it. And that was a revelation to me; a moment in growing up and stepping just a bit outside of myself.
I don't really think I can ever quite recapture that moment but I did want to revisit its circumstances. I never took it upon myself to do so. Both Toronto and Ottawa are in Ontario, but, Ontario's a big place. Ottawa's at least a four hour drive away, and effectively that means it's not a day trip... unless your idea of a day trip is to drive till you get within sight of a place, glimpse it, do a U-turn and go home. Ottawa meant planning, hotels, expenses. No reason I couldn't have done it, but all that is very lonely if you're going by yourself. Wonder is meant to be shared.
—————
Update: Nov. 24, 2007. I have added the following video, which is a ten-minute vignette of some of the things I recorded during the trip. Hope you enjoy.
At various moments sober and drunk in the past few years I've wistfully remarked to friends that someday, invariably "soon", I meant to go back. I've always felt "Canadian", but when I was there in my youth, it gained a real substance. Standing on Parliament Hill as the Peace Tower's carillon played that day long ago, I realized, palpably, that I was standing in places that I shared with millions of other people I'd never meet... some because they lived far away, but -- and this was what really took hold of me -- many more because they had already lived and died, or would be born after I was dead. It was the first time in my life I got a real sense of the nation as a river, something in which I was embedded for a moment, but that had existed before me and would (I certainly hope) exist long after me. That I was a moment in that, and instance of it. From childhood I had always known Canada belonged to me; suddenly there was a sense that I belonged to it. And that was a revelation to me; a moment in growing up and stepping just a bit outside of myself.
I don't really think I can ever quite recapture that moment but I did want to revisit its circumstances. I never took it upon myself to do so. Both Toronto and Ottawa are in Ontario, but, Ontario's a big place. Ottawa's at least a four hour drive away, and effectively that means it's not a day trip... unless your idea of a day trip is to drive till you get within sight of a place, glimpse it, do a U-turn and go home. Ottawa meant planning, hotels, expenses. No reason I couldn't have done it, but all that is very lonely if you're going by yourself. Wonder is meant to be shared.
—————
Update: Nov. 24, 2007. I have added the following video, which is a ten-minute vignette of some of the things I recorded during the trip. Hope you enjoy.
Trip to Ottawa: Parliament Hill
Speaking purely for myself, the central goal of the trip was a visit to Parliament Hill. It seems to me that a trip to the capital of the country demands a visit to the very heart of government.
As mentioned previously, my first visit to the Hill during our stay in Ottawa was on the night of our arrival. The second was the real, grandiose visit, and it took place the following morning.
P-Doug and I got up early. MG wasn't interested in going because first of all, she's been to the Hill numerous times, and secondly, a lot of walking and standing takes it out of her. So P-Doug and I decided to walk from the hotel to the Hill.
The hotel we were staying at offered a complimentary Continental breakfast from 7-9 every morning. We were tardy getting there, arriving a little after 8 or so, and the place was packed. One family seemed to have perfectly timed their routine such that one or the other of their members was forever at the serving table, mastering the toaster, or picking over the pastries, or being extremely choosy about cereal... its type, its quantity, the depth of the milk. We had trouble finding a seat but we did eventually manage it and had enough to get us going.
The Changing of the Guard on Parliament Hill
P-Doug and I set out just before 9, taking our time walking along Rideau Street and Wellington Street. I decided to pull out all the stops for this... when was I going to be on Parliament Hill again?... and I brought all three of the cameras I ordinarily shoot with these days... the S70 for infrared shots, the S80 mostly for motion capture, and the Rebel XT with the 28-135mm lens attached for some strong close-ups and detail work. The first order of the day was the Changing of the Guard on the Hill, and so when we arrived at 9:30, I immediately staked out my vantage point at the outside corner of the field by the East Block and set up my tripod. P-Doug expressed surprise that I was dedicating myself so soon, with half an hour to go, but I knew what I wanted and that was the price of ensuring I got it. He excused himself to take pictures of the Centennial flame. I imagined he'd be back shortly, but as it turned out I didn't see him again till after the elaborate ceremony was over. I did catch sight (and long-distance, digitally-zoomed images) of him photographing details in the arch under the Peach Tower, though.
As I waited for the Guard to arrive, I noticed people gathering at the far end of the same field I was stationed on; nattily-dressed people seated in rows of chairs to review the ceremony I also caught the approach, from my right, of a man who appeared to me to be a French (French from France, I mean, not French-Canadian) general, accompanied by a woman who was, perhaps, his wife. They passed behind me and eventually joined the crowd up at the other end field.
The Guard arrived sharply and were on the field when the Peace Tower chimed ten o'clock. Two different regiments; one from Saskatchewan and one from Quebec, I think. They looked magnificent; “spankin' in red”, as Sgt. Obadiah said in one episode of Sharpe. A hundred of them, maybe more, marching to their own brass band music and bagpipes. For half an hour they owned the field and the eyes of the couple thousand spectators gathered all around them. When they left the field, traffic halted as they marched away down Wellington Street. I was surprised; I would have expected that was typical in London, but I hadn't expected patience with that kind of thing on this side of the Atlantic. I have to say, it was kind of heartwarming to witness. I mean, I guess people didn't have much choice, but they didn't make a fuss, either.
The tour of the Centre Block
Afterwards P-Doug found me, packing up my gear, and we wandered the grounds for a bit. In his travels, he had noticed a large white tent on the west side of the Hill and it turned out to be where one acquired the (free) tickets to tour the Parliament Buildings. P-Doug snagged what were just about the last two for the Centrel Block tour just before noon. So we looked around, mostly at the statues of Canadians, monarchs, and Fathers of Confederation to be found there, before queuing up for the tour. When I last toured the Parliament Buildings in the mid-80 as a teenager, the group simply gathered before the Peace Tower and were led in the front. Not anymore. These are the days of post-9/11. We had to line up to a lower door around the side of the Tower, and for the next half hour we trudged forward, a little more, a little more... finally we came to security centre where we had to empty our pockets, demonstrate cell phones really worked, and things like that. P-Doug had his Swiss Army knife confiscated for the duration of the tour; my camera tripod was taken from me (P-Doug pointed out that this was actually a blessing in disguise since it saved me from having to lug it around for nothing). I suppose I'm glad someone's taking this stuff seriously, but it makes me sad. For hundreds of years, people could just tour the Hill and no one made them feel like potential criminals. Someone in the 1960s actually did plan to bomb the House of Commons and ended up killing himself instead when his bomb went off in the washroom while he was setting it up, but even then they didn't make you jump through security hoops afterwards. Yet some people hundreds of miles away crash planes into a couple of buildings – something that security on the sites of those targets would have done absolutely nothing to prevent – and suddenly, here we are. It's weird, don't you think? It's like burning your finger taking out a roast, but not bothering to wear oven mitts till your neighbour dies from smoking in bed.
The suggestion while we were in line was that we weren't going to see much of anything. The list I could see suggested that we weren't going to get to see the Commons, or the Memorial Chambre – both, actually, the two things I most wanted to see. But just to be inside the building would be enough. Surely, there would be wonderful things to see and photograph.
Our guide was a young woman in her early 20s. She showed us first the foyer of the House of Commons. This is where the reporters wait to pounce on MPs, cabinet members, and the Prime Minister as they either emerge from or enter the House. Our guide pointed out the corner where well-known Parliamentary reporter Mike Duffy routinely sets up. It was a nice, homey touch that just about any Canadian would have appreciated. It made the place real, immediate, ours. The place in our living rooms nightly, with those familiar faces.
To my surprise and delight, we were indeed ushered into the House of Commons, with its green seats, wooden desks, and stained glass. The Prime Minister's chair was tipped forward to let visitors know which it was. We were told that the stained glass windows had been ordinary glass till the 1970s, but that they had been replaced with these beautiful ones, each of which represented a province or territory (at the time, there were 12 instead of 13, since Nunavut wasn't created till 1999). Though we were only there a few minutes, I felt honoured to be in there, thinking of the people who've passed through, both Canadians and statesmen from abroad, and the history that's been made there.
We passed through a hall that formed a gallery of all the British monarchs of Canada, from its earliest days to the present. We were taken to a conference room that also doubles as a gallery for all the French monarchs of Canada, up to the French and Indian War when New France effectively ceased to be.
From there, the Senate. Canada's Senate is unelected, and some provinces are vastly over-represented and others vastly under-represented. Some people want to make it elected and essentially equal to the Commons. Some people want to abolish it altogether. I personally would like to see it elected, so long as the Commons has the final say when push comes to shove, and the power to tax and spend stays with the Commons alone. Regardless of all that, the Senate Chambre is beautiful, clothed in regal red. It is in the Senate that Parliament is opened, since the monarch is forbidden by practice from entering the House of Commons (at least in any official capacity). Canada's thrones are here; ordinarily, Parliament is opened from those thrones by the Governor General, though there has been at least one occasion that I know of where Queen Elizabeth II herself opened Parliament in Canada; in 1957, I believe, when John Diefenbaker became Prime Minister after his massive electoral victory.
Eventually we were shown to the Library of Parliament. One of those “obscure” facts that everybody knows is that the Library was the only part of the Centre Block to survive the fire of 1916 that destroyed the rest. People seem to marvel at the sheer genius of... closing the doors. I'm pleased it was done, but a little amused by the way people seem to treat this as something akin to glimpsing relativity. Closing thick iron doors in advance of a fire... I have to imagine that idea predates World War I. Still, it's good that it was done. The building is a jewel, and its loss would have made Canada a little poorer, no matter what replaced it. Having just been re-opened to the public after years of renovation, it's beautiful just to look at. We were told that the statue of Queen Victoria, which dates to the 1850s (I think), had to be wrapped in “miles” of bubble wrap when it was removed to prevent damage to it during the restoration efforts.
The official tour ended there, but just about everyone in our group made their way up the Peace Tower to the elevators that take you to the observation deck. P-Doug pointed out something I'd forgotten: once, the elevator stopped below the bells of the Carillon, and you climbed stairs the rest of the way. But that meant the deck was unavailable to people in wheelchairs. An ingenious elevator was designed that moves slightly sideways, around the bells, a bit like one of the turbolifts on the Enterprise, and takes visitors right up to the observation deck. The view of the Ottawa River and Gatineau on the other side is something everyone in the country deserves to see at least once. Ottawa itself is a city of trees, not unlike Toronto in that respect, and here and there landmarks of significance can be easily discerned... the statue of Champlain, the Rideau Canal, Rideau Hall where the Governor General lives, the National Art Gallery, the National War Museum, the National War Memorial, the Museum of Civilization, the US Embassy...
On the way down, the next stop, virtually obligatory, is the Memorial Chambre. This is where the Books of Remembrance are kept, recording the names of the Canadians of various services who have given their lives in war or in other service to the country. The central book records the names of those lost in World War II. The chambre is lined in marble, its walls carved with crests, poems, and quotes in English and French about the sorrows of war and loss. It is a place of solemn reflection, not vainglory. The pride to be felt there is the pride of having endured what had to be endured to preserve a way of life, not that of having destroyed someone else's. P-Doug and I lingered there for quite a while.
From there, we made our way back to the hotel, and launched the abortive, many-Quebecked attempt to see the National Art Gallery laid-out elsewhere.
The National War Memorial
Though it's strictly not part of Parliament Hill, the National War Memorial is so close-by, and the ceremony so similar to what we'd seen on the Hill, that I think it bears mention here rather than elsewhere.
Sunday morning we on our way to the National War Museum. It wasn't due to open for a while yet, and so it seemed only fitting that we stop and take a few shots of the National War Memorial near Parliament Hill en route. We got there at quarter to 9, took some beautiful shots of the cenotaph, and were on the verge of leaving when I noticed something exciting. Up out of the stairway from Rideau Canal, five soldiers in red coats and a piper in kilt were emerging. They assembled themselves, and marched past. I realized that they were the honour guard for the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Two of them broke off, given instructions by the commander, and the piper and remaining three red coats departed (I gather the soldiers are relieved hourly). The two soldiers in the honour guard performed a few synchronized maneuvers before setting up, stock straight, to stand their watch. It was moving. I was horrified to discover, though, that my camera hadn't been set up right to record the march past. So I determined to get up and out early before we left Monday morning and record it properly, and I did. Some of the shots you see here are from that second session.
As mentioned previously, my first visit to the Hill during our stay in Ottawa was on the night of our arrival. The second was the real, grandiose visit, and it took place the following morning.
P-Doug and I got up early. MG wasn't interested in going because first of all, she's been to the Hill numerous times, and secondly, a lot of walking and standing takes it out of her. So P-Doug and I decided to walk from the hotel to the Hill.
The hotel we were staying at offered a complimentary Continental breakfast from 7-9 every morning. We were tardy getting there, arriving a little after 8 or so, and the place was packed. One family seemed to have perfectly timed their routine such that one or the other of their members was forever at the serving table, mastering the toaster, or picking over the pastries, or being extremely choosy about cereal... its type, its quantity, the depth of the milk. We had trouble finding a seat but we did eventually manage it and had enough to get us going.
The Changing of the Guard on Parliament Hill
P-Doug and I set out just before 9, taking our time walking along Rideau Street and Wellington Street. I decided to pull out all the stops for this... when was I going to be on Parliament Hill again?... and I brought all three of the cameras I ordinarily shoot with these days... the S70 for infrared shots, the S80 mostly for motion capture, and the Rebel XT with the 28-135mm lens attached for some strong close-ups and detail work. The first order of the day was the Changing of the Guard on the Hill, and so when we arrived at 9:30, I immediately staked out my vantage point at the outside corner of the field by the East Block and set up my tripod. P-Doug expressed surprise that I was dedicating myself so soon, with half an hour to go, but I knew what I wanted and that was the price of ensuring I got it. He excused himself to take pictures of the Centennial flame. I imagined he'd be back shortly, but as it turned out I didn't see him again till after the elaborate ceremony was over. I did catch sight (and long-distance, digitally-zoomed images) of him photographing details in the arch under the Peach Tower, though.
As I waited for the Guard to arrive, I noticed people gathering at the far end of the same field I was stationed on; nattily-dressed people seated in rows of chairs to review the ceremony I also caught the approach, from my right, of a man who appeared to me to be a French (French from France, I mean, not French-Canadian) general, accompanied by a woman who was, perhaps, his wife. They passed behind me and eventually joined the crowd up at the other end field.
The Guard arrived sharply and were on the field when the Peace Tower chimed ten o'clock. Two different regiments; one from Saskatchewan and one from Quebec, I think. They looked magnificent; “spankin' in red”, as Sgt. Obadiah said in one episode of Sharpe. A hundred of them, maybe more, marching to their own brass band music and bagpipes. For half an hour they owned the field and the eyes of the couple thousand spectators gathered all around them. When they left the field, traffic halted as they marched away down Wellington Street. I was surprised; I would have expected that was typical in London, but I hadn't expected patience with that kind of thing on this side of the Atlantic. I have to say, it was kind of heartwarming to witness. I mean, I guess people didn't have much choice, but they didn't make a fuss, either.
The tour of the Centre Block
Afterwards P-Doug found me, packing up my gear, and we wandered the grounds for a bit. In his travels, he had noticed a large white tent on the west side of the Hill and it turned out to be where one acquired the (free) tickets to tour the Parliament Buildings. P-Doug snagged what were just about the last two for the Centrel Block tour just before noon. So we looked around, mostly at the statues of Canadians, monarchs, and Fathers of Confederation to be found there, before queuing up for the tour. When I last toured the Parliament Buildings in the mid-80 as a teenager, the group simply gathered before the Peace Tower and were led in the front. Not anymore. These are the days of post-9/11. We had to line up to a lower door around the side of the Tower, and for the next half hour we trudged forward, a little more, a little more... finally we came to security centre where we had to empty our pockets, demonstrate cell phones really worked, and things like that. P-Doug had his Swiss Army knife confiscated for the duration of the tour; my camera tripod was taken from me (P-Doug pointed out that this was actually a blessing in disguise since it saved me from having to lug it around for nothing). I suppose I'm glad someone's taking this stuff seriously, but it makes me sad. For hundreds of years, people could just tour the Hill and no one made them feel like potential criminals. Someone in the 1960s actually did plan to bomb the House of Commons and ended up killing himself instead when his bomb went off in the washroom while he was setting it up, but even then they didn't make you jump through security hoops afterwards. Yet some people hundreds of miles away crash planes into a couple of buildings – something that security on the sites of those targets would have done absolutely nothing to prevent – and suddenly, here we are. It's weird, don't you think? It's like burning your finger taking out a roast, but not bothering to wear oven mitts till your neighbour dies from smoking in bed.
The suggestion while we were in line was that we weren't going to see much of anything. The list I could see suggested that we weren't going to get to see the Commons, or the Memorial Chambre – both, actually, the two things I most wanted to see. But just to be inside the building would be enough. Surely, there would be wonderful things to see and photograph.
Our guide was a young woman in her early 20s. She showed us first the foyer of the House of Commons. This is where the reporters wait to pounce on MPs, cabinet members, and the Prime Minister as they either emerge from or enter the House. Our guide pointed out the corner where well-known Parliamentary reporter Mike Duffy routinely sets up. It was a nice, homey touch that just about any Canadian would have appreciated. It made the place real, immediate, ours. The place in our living rooms nightly, with those familiar faces.
To my surprise and delight, we were indeed ushered into the House of Commons, with its green seats, wooden desks, and stained glass. The Prime Minister's chair was tipped forward to let visitors know which it was. We were told that the stained glass windows had been ordinary glass till the 1970s, but that they had been replaced with these beautiful ones, each of which represented a province or territory (at the time, there were 12 instead of 13, since Nunavut wasn't created till 1999). Though we were only there a few minutes, I felt honoured to be in there, thinking of the people who've passed through, both Canadians and statesmen from abroad, and the history that's been made there.
We passed through a hall that formed a gallery of all the British monarchs of Canada, from its earliest days to the present. We were taken to a conference room that also doubles as a gallery for all the French monarchs of Canada, up to the French and Indian War when New France effectively ceased to be.
From there, the Senate. Canada's Senate is unelected, and some provinces are vastly over-represented and others vastly under-represented. Some people want to make it elected and essentially equal to the Commons. Some people want to abolish it altogether. I personally would like to see it elected, so long as the Commons has the final say when push comes to shove, and the power to tax and spend stays with the Commons alone. Regardless of all that, the Senate Chambre is beautiful, clothed in regal red. It is in the Senate that Parliament is opened, since the monarch is forbidden by practice from entering the House of Commons (at least in any official capacity). Canada's thrones are here; ordinarily, Parliament is opened from those thrones by the Governor General, though there has been at least one occasion that I know of where Queen Elizabeth II herself opened Parliament in Canada; in 1957, I believe, when John Diefenbaker became Prime Minister after his massive electoral victory.
Eventually we were shown to the Library of Parliament. One of those “obscure” facts that everybody knows is that the Library was the only part of the Centre Block to survive the fire of 1916 that destroyed the rest. People seem to marvel at the sheer genius of... closing the doors. I'm pleased it was done, but a little amused by the way people seem to treat this as something akin to glimpsing relativity. Closing thick iron doors in advance of a fire... I have to imagine that idea predates World War I. Still, it's good that it was done. The building is a jewel, and its loss would have made Canada a little poorer, no matter what replaced it. Having just been re-opened to the public after years of renovation, it's beautiful just to look at. We were told that the statue of Queen Victoria, which dates to the 1850s (I think), had to be wrapped in “miles” of bubble wrap when it was removed to prevent damage to it during the restoration efforts.
The official tour ended there, but just about everyone in our group made their way up the Peace Tower to the elevators that take you to the observation deck. P-Doug pointed out something I'd forgotten: once, the elevator stopped below the bells of the Carillon, and you climbed stairs the rest of the way. But that meant the deck was unavailable to people in wheelchairs. An ingenious elevator was designed that moves slightly sideways, around the bells, a bit like one of the turbolifts on the Enterprise, and takes visitors right up to the observation deck. The view of the Ottawa River and Gatineau on the other side is something everyone in the country deserves to see at least once. Ottawa itself is a city of trees, not unlike Toronto in that respect, and here and there landmarks of significance can be easily discerned... the statue of Champlain, the Rideau Canal, Rideau Hall where the Governor General lives, the National Art Gallery, the National War Museum, the National War Memorial, the Museum of Civilization, the US Embassy...
On the way down, the next stop, virtually obligatory, is the Memorial Chambre. This is where the Books of Remembrance are kept, recording the names of the Canadians of various services who have given their lives in war or in other service to the country. The central book records the names of those lost in World War II. The chambre is lined in marble, its walls carved with crests, poems, and quotes in English and French about the sorrows of war and loss. It is a place of solemn reflection, not vainglory. The pride to be felt there is the pride of having endured what had to be endured to preserve a way of life, not that of having destroyed someone else's. P-Doug and I lingered there for quite a while.
From there, we made our way back to the hotel, and launched the abortive, many-Quebecked attempt to see the National Art Gallery laid-out elsewhere.
The National War Memorial
Though it's strictly not part of Parliament Hill, the National War Memorial is so close-by, and the ceremony so similar to what we'd seen on the Hill, that I think it bears mention here rather than elsewhere.
Sunday morning we on our way to the National War Museum. It wasn't due to open for a while yet, and so it seemed only fitting that we stop and take a few shots of the National War Memorial near Parliament Hill en route. We got there at quarter to 9, took some beautiful shots of the cenotaph, and were on the verge of leaving when I noticed something exciting. Up out of the stairway from Rideau Canal, five soldiers in red coats and a piper in kilt were emerging. They assembled themselves, and marched past. I realized that they were the honour guard for the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Two of them broke off, given instructions by the commander, and the piper and remaining three red coats departed (I gather the soldiers are relieved hourly). The two soldiers in the honour guard performed a few synchronized maneuvers before setting up, stock straight, to stand their watch. It was moving. I was horrified to discover, though, that my camera hadn't been set up right to record the march past. So I determined to get up and out early before we left Monday morning and record it properly, and I did. Some of the shots you see here are from that second session.
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